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Paternalism appeared to be a factor in some Sonoran master and servant relations. Another brandn explanation of this phenomenon, however, can be found in the availability of land. At times, factors outside of their control, such as climate, droughts, or raids by Apaches, consistently undermined their efforts. Thomas Robinson Warren described Sonorans notables as "a people long accustomed to European articles of luxury, who could never be induced to forego their use.
Captured servants were required to pay whatever expenses had been incurred in their apprehension. Beyond the Mexican experience, the indigenous population, including Yaquis, Mayos, O'odbams, and Seris, also maintained elements of their own identity. To gain acceptance, they usually married into local notable families. Women owned land, engaged in trade, and in the larger towns, controlled merchant houses inherited from their family or spouses.
The absence of broader ideological cohesion fueled an active multiclass opposition. An eclectic assortment of foreign artifacts decorated the interiors of their homes, reflecting the wide range of trading partners. Within a few months, the government increased the reward for Apaches to two hundred pesos and offered to pay for all ammunition expended.
Access to land allowed smaller ranchos to coexist in the shadow of larger haciendas.
Viewed from this perspective, border culture does not represent a uniform concept shared by all border residents, but instead, has definite meaning only to specific groups. The inlet, however, proved shallow and impractical for larger ships, which continued to dock in the deeper outer bay. In this new emerging economic and political order, the Guaymas-Hermosillo corridor became the most important force in the development of northern Sonora.
The Seris, Tohono O'odhams, and Opatas, according to tradition, were renowned for their speed and agility, which were enough to outrun a horse in short distances. Their condition, however, remained extremely tenuous.
Captain Guillet, a French officer who reconnoitered the state prior to France's invasion, observed that Ures existed as an "artificial city which would quickly become a simple rancheria if government offices moved. The state encompassed nine separate districts, each overseen by a prefect appointed by the governor,  and possessing a cabecera. In addition, the Apache domination of northern Sonoran and southern Arizona made this area inhospitable.
Inrependiente recurrent pattern of social and political strife prevented local elites from effectively consolidating power. In the northern border districts, Sonorans faced their most dreaded enemy, the Apache. Tucson's Las Dos Republicas, organizers boasted that in preparation for the celebration, "merchants have already stocked their stores from Guaymas, Hermosillo, and Tucson. Court records typically employed the accused's given name as well as his or her nickname. A small group of merchants and hacendados dominated key economic activity and exerted tremendous influence on society.
The appearance, mannerism, and directness of Sonoran women impressed most visitors. American travelers expressed surprise to see Sonoran women come "freely into the visitors' camp to trade for soap and sugar. Neither does it capture the dynamics of a Mexican population that lived on both sides of the border nor that of individuals-Mexicans and Americans-who maintained social ties and economic interests in both nations and thus sought to mitigate conflict when it erupted.
In the district of Guaymas, Prefect Pedro Tato reed his post in citing personal hardships and the lack of resources as the principal reason.
As in other Mexican towns, a large plaza surrounded by ash trees-where people assembled for public ceremonies, festivals, and political events-dominated the escorr of the community. According to the prefect of Hermosillo, byevery eight days in the central plaza "there would be public dances, vulgarly known as mariachis for the common people. Independienet indigenous population, in particular the Apaches and the Yaquis, provided the "other" against which Sonorans initially defined their identity.
The tax would be paid whether the mill operated or not. Hermosillo and Altar actually had a drop in the of haciendas, which reflected a shift from agriculture to mining. The infrastructural improvements to which they contributed facilitated commerce and increased profits.
Far from being a destitute frontier, early-nineteenth-century Sonora possessed a close-knit population which lived in well established urban areas. They profited by renting market stalls to local sellers at a price established by the city government.
To compensate, early residents maintained an observation post atop a nearby hill from where they could notice the arrival of foreign trading ships and converge on the bay. As the work developed, it turned into an analysis of the transformation Sonora experienced from a neglected provincia interna, an internal frontier, to a bustling and influential brandn state during the last decades of the nineteenth century.
It gradually began to supply the needs of Sinaloa, Tepic, Nayarit, Baja California, and even San Francisco, becoming known as kndependiente breadbasket of northwest Mexico. A decree in February of informed "military officers and entrepreneurs that they would receive a reward of one hundred and fifty pesos for every male Indian, dead or alive, and one hundred pesos for every live woman. Most Sonorans tended to regard land as a commodity rather than as communal property. Although upper classes actively sought to replicate Spanish lifestyles, the conditions of brxndon in the semi-desert environment placed constraints upon all groups.
Family members regularly visited the branfon and participated in the politics and social life of the city. Among the wealthy, Indian servants did most of the household chores.
Most elites relied on precarious mining operations and the export of wheat to neighboring Sinaloa to generate capital,  and the advent of economic relations with the United States intensified this orientation. As in other parts of Mexico, Sonorans threw confetti-filled eggshells on unsuspecting passers-by; however. The harsh life of the frontier forced the majority to hire themselves out as peones on ranchos and haciendas or to prospect as gambucinos in abandoned mines. In the meantime, they mingled with notables and visited settlements throughout the state to check on the progress of sales.
For two days, Mexican and Americans attended festivities at Levin Park. Except for institutions in Ures and Hermosillo, for the most part formal schools did not function. The landowners preferred nebulous limits to conceal their illegal acquisitions of land.
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